Many articles I found linked the Balkans and all of the other post-Soviet countries as having similar “women’s issues.” Since they share a part in a Communism past that directed that women and men were equal “created a cultural and developmental legacy that differs in key respects from the Western democracies and countries in the developing world” (Matland & Montgomery, 19). After the fall of communism, when “democracy” was beginning to take over Eastern Europe many things changed in the political system while transitioning, specifically with in women’s roles and rights. (While this may seem like a “duh” statement- they went from communism to democracy! of course things changed- bear with me.)
Women went from being considered equal by law to having their issues considered “tertiary issues that could be dealt with once the ‘real issues’ of transition had been resolved” (Matland & Montgomery, 39). In fact, most students of democratization have either over looked gender entirely or treated the decline i female representation as a return to ‘normal politics’ in the region” (Montgomery, 3). Yet, it is important to note that while legally women and men were equal and there was no difference between the sexes, the stress remains on legally. In practice, the household remained the burden of the wife. While men were often advised to “help out more” their role within the family was never officially challenged. (Matland & Montgomery, 36) So this transition appeared on paper, could be argued that it was just changing to reflect the actual status of the family.
It is not to say that women were forced to give up all of their political power by the new regimes, sometimes women were “eager to shed their many burdens...voluntarily withdrew from the public sphere” (Montgomery, 7). Matland & Montgomery go on to point out that at a practical level, women were promised greater access to Western goods and services if they retreated and allowed the government to transition ‘properly’ (38). However, when women lost their power, at least in Macedonia, they were not provoked due to their concern about the safety of their children and families than their own political representation (Ristova, 212).
It does not help matters that in many countries in Eastern Europe, “at least some voters believe men are better suited for politics than women and that men are more able executives and legislators” (Wilcox, Stark, & Thomas, 42). Further, many people believe in the traditional stereotype that women are “too moralistic to engage in the back-room dealmaking that often allows legislatures to reach compromise [nor are they] sufficiently rough to manage the rough and tumble world of politics” (Wilcox, Stark, & Thomas, 42). While I see a back-handed compliment in there, it is disastrous to the idea of women in politics (and politics in general) that women are too moral to be engaged in politics. {Maybe politics should be cleaned up so moral people can lead the country?}
In Macedonia, after the transition, the first 3 elections through 1998, only 3 to 7 % of the Parliament was filled with female representatives (Ristova, 196). All of the political parties in Macedonia declared their “dedication to gender equality” (Ristova, 203) during these elections. There was a difference between the elections and what was highlighted.
Women’s Access to Political Power in Post-Communist Europe, ed: Richard Matland & Kathleen Montgomery. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003.
Women went from being considered equal by law to having their issues considered “tertiary issues that could be dealt with once the ‘real issues’ of transition had been resolved” (Matland & Montgomery, 39). In fact, most students of democratization have either over looked gender entirely or treated the decline i female representation as a return to ‘normal politics’ in the region” (Montgomery, 3). Yet, it is important to note that while legally women and men were equal and there was no difference between the sexes, the stress remains on legally. In practice, the household remained the burden of the wife. While men were often advised to “help out more” their role within the family was never officially challenged. (Matland & Montgomery, 36) So this transition appeared on paper, could be argued that it was just changing to reflect the actual status of the family.
It is not to say that women were forced to give up all of their political power by the new regimes, sometimes women were “eager to shed their many burdens...voluntarily withdrew from the public sphere” (Montgomery, 7). Matland & Montgomery go on to point out that at a practical level, women were promised greater access to Western goods and services if they retreated and allowed the government to transition ‘properly’ (38). However, when women lost their power, at least in Macedonia, they were not provoked due to their concern about the safety of their children and families than their own political representation (Ristova, 212).
It does not help matters that in many countries in Eastern Europe, “at least some voters believe men are better suited for politics than women and that men are more able executives and legislators” (Wilcox, Stark, & Thomas, 42). Further, many people believe in the traditional stereotype that women are “too moralistic to engage in the back-room dealmaking that often allows legislatures to reach compromise [nor are they] sufficiently rough to manage the rough and tumble world of politics” (Wilcox, Stark, & Thomas, 42). While I see a back-handed compliment in there, it is disastrous to the idea of women in politics (and politics in general) that women are too moral to be engaged in politics. {Maybe politics should be cleaned up so moral people can lead the country?}
In Macedonia, after the transition, the first 3 elections through 1998, only 3 to 7 % of the Parliament was filled with female representatives (Ristova, 196). All of the political parties in Macedonia declared their “dedication to gender equality” (Ristova, 203) during these elections. There was a difference between the elections and what was highlighted.
- 1990- women in the context of family relations
- 1994 & 1998 - covered a broader range of issues with gender relations and status of women
- improving women’s political representation, protection of employment rights, etc.
Women’s Access to Political Power in Post-Communist Europe, ed: Richard Matland & Kathleen Montgomery. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003.
Richard Matland & Kathleen Montgomery, “Recruiting Women to National Legislatures: A General Framework with Applications to Post-Communist Democracies.”
Kathleen Montgomery, “Introduction”
Karolina Ristova, “Establishing a Machocracy: Women & Elections in Macedonia (1990-8)”
Clyde Wilcox, Beth Stark, & Sue Thomas, “Popular Support for Electing Women in Eastern Europe.”
